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, and Religious Experience Before and After Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 115-132. The play demonstrates two central Protestant theological tenets in its exposition of monarchy: first is the discrediting of transubstantiation or the notion that the appearances of bread and wine remain even though the substances are transformed into the body and blood of Christ and second, image-making and false pretenses have created a false religion of the state.”] Cammack, Melvin M. “Yet Another ‘Lost’ Chapter of Wyclif’s as containing thirteen tracts, the last seven of which later collected under a single item (viz. This allows for a broader and more consistent account of the order and dating of the (1372) and other Wyclif’s writings.”] —. The article includes, as an Appendix, an edition of the poem in Latin, with a translation.] Carr, J. [This essay argues that a loan in the Shipman’s Tale bears resemblance to a tithe and comments on controversies surrounding the practice, including Wycliffite resistance to tithing.] Colledge, E. Within this, she makes use of Lollard critiques of images (when discussing Virginia and the Physician’s Tale), and Lollard discourse and “understondynge” (in the Parson’s Tale).] Colletti, Theresa. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 200. [Within her study, Colletti makes mention of the fact that “like many medieval reform movements, Lollardy was hospitable to women” (141), and that they were permitted to preach. Chaucer is concerned with language and its ability to convey meaning, both as a poet and as a thinker grappling with the philosophical and intellectual currents of his day.”] Conetti, M. According to the abstract, “The German Johannes Sharpe is the most important and original author of the so called “Oxford Realists”: his semantic and metaphysical theories are the end product of the two main medieval philosophical traditions, realism and nominalism, for he contributed to the new form of realism inaugurated by Wyclif, but was receptive to many nominalist criticisms. “William Thorpe and His Lollard Community: Intellectual Labor and the Representation of Dissent.” Hanawalt and Wallace 199-221. “Rhetoric and the Politics of the Literal Sense in Medieval Literary Theory: Aquinas, Wyclif, and the Lollards.” . If the ‘lexical minutiae’ found here are sometimes clearly Lollard in character, they are at other times clearly indebted to the orthodox tradition” (2).] —. Christopher Ocker argues that interpreters developed a biblical poetics very similar to that cultivated and promoted by Protestants in the sixteenth century, which was reinforced by the adaptation of humanist rhetoric to Bible reading after Lorenzo Valla. Therefore, the article re-examines documents pertaining to the dates of the prebendary and the payments Wycliffe received for it.”] Ortmann, Franz J. Rather than reflect cautious attention to boundaries of “orthodox” belief, ‘A Schort Reule of Lif’ shows that common devotional interests could transcend matters of ideology.”] “‘To þe worschipe of God and profite of his peple’: Lollard Sermons on the Parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard.” Bose and Hornbeck 175-192. Note that this history here on Oxford during Wyclif’s time has been greatly updated and fleshed out in the volume by Catto and Evans entitled on Late Medieval Oxford. [Bradley argues for more attention to religious experience in the study of vernacular theology and models such study with his comparative reading of Love’s . Fifteenth Century Bristol and Lollard Reconsidered.” Clark 43-62. “‘But and Alle Thingus in Mesure, and Noumbre, and Peis Thou Disposedist’: Some Notes on the Role of Wisdom 11, 21 in Wyclif’s Writings.” Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie Médiévales 80.1 (2013): 109-143. She discusses Walter Brut’s use of Mary Magdalene “in his defense of women’s ability–and right–to preach as well as perform other priestly sacraments” (142), and argues that “Late medieval religious politics–of gender, preaching, and the vernacular–unquestionably shadow the public teaching of the Digby play’s Mary Magdalene” (147).] Collinson, P. Starting from the main thesis of Wyclif’s metaphysics, that the universal and individual are really identical but formally distinct, Oxford Realists introduced a new type of predication, based on a partial identity between the entities for which the subject and predicate stood, called predication by essence, and then redefined the traditional post-Aristotelian categories of essential and accidental predication in terms of this partial identity. “Exegesis of the End: Limitations of Lollard Apocalypticism as Revealed in a Commentary on Matthew 24.” 23.4 (Dec. [Abstract: “Lollard writing is characterised by a preoccupation with the end times, but the kind of eschatological mindset the texts reflect has become a matter of some debate. The book is a comparative study, drawing from a variety of unpublished commentaries as well as more familiar works by Nicholas of Lyra, John Wyclif, Jean Gerson, Denys the Carthusian, Wendelin Steinbach, Desiderius Erasmus, Philip Melanchthon, and John Calvin.”] —. [This essay analyzes Middle English sermons on the Parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard, pointing out common interpretations in Lollard and mainstream sermons, including Mirk’s Festial and Wimbledon’s Sermon, that encourage workers to remain within a three-estates model. Rashdall’s history, though, remains helpful because in his notes and his Appendices he refers to many original documents. [Discusses the development of medieval commentary about women’s preaching, some of which are contradictory, and how this influences depictions in saint’s lives and by Wycliffites.] Block, Edward A. “The Issue of Theological Style in Late Medieval Disputations.” 5 (2002): 1-21. Of special interest here is a chapter on the , he provocatively follows a line of reasoning instanced in multiple Wycliffite tracts on translation. Drawing on pedagogical theorists such as Freire and Giroux as well as a wealth of later medieval texts, Copeland shows how teachers radically transformed inherited ideas about classrooms and pedagogy as they brought their teaching to adult learners. “John Wyclif on Papal Election, Correction, and Deposition.” 69 (2007): 141-85. Because Holy Scripture formed, for Wyclif, the sole foundation of Christian society, it would fall to the magister sacrae paginae to render authoritative decisions on ecclesiastical governance” (141-42). Wyclif exercised his rights as a university master to dissent from ecclesiastical determinations that ran contrary to the truth as revealed in Scripture. “A Manuscript of the First Wycliffite Translation of the Bible.” . The English reformers, however, did more than merely reject Gregory as an authority. Peikola examines one form of tract, the catalogue, listing 22 different catalogues, discussing their structure, lexical markings, types, audiences, and their similarities to scholastic, judicial, and legislative textual practices. The major part of the article surveys variation in the form and content of the tables, serving the needs of genre description and paving the way for further textual scholarship (a preliminary list of the Wycliffite tables is presented in Appendix A). [One of several derivative biographies published on the quincentenary of Wyclif’s death. The volume includes a helpful index of “Churchwardens’ accounts before 1570.”] Peterson, Kate Oelzner. “Sowing Difficulty: The Parson’s Tale, Vernacular Commentary, and The Nature of Chaucerian Dissent.” 25 (2004): 299-330. Price and Ryrie attend to both stylistic and political arguments that arose over Biblical translation between the late fourteenth and early seventeenth centuries.] Pyper, Rachel. [Concludes that Chaucer uses the Wycliffite translation, but see also Holton, “Which Bible did Chaucer Use? When all the information on the movement which we possess, however, is brought together, one cannot but feel that they had a greater influence on their own time than has heretofore been allowed: Not only did the early reformers consider them very important, but today also, in spite of predilections for economic interpretations of history, they must be regarded as one of the important sources of the Scottish Reformation.”] Renna, Thomas. It contains chapters on “Wyclif and his Theology,” the “Early diffusion of Lollardy,” “Survival and Revival,” and “From Lollardy to Protestantism.” In the process, “whilst endorsing the traditional view that Lollardy was indeed the lay face of Wycliffism, . Far from being a Lollard minister, it suggests, Ramsbury was nothing but a confidence trickster. [This article emphasizes the awareness among some “humanists” and “scholastics” of the intrinsically persuasive qualities of much theological discourse (disputation in particular). Because many of the terms Chaucer uses in the Prologue are also central to the General Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible, Chaucer appears to respond to this particular text, which was probably read within his social circle, rich in opportunities to acquire such vernacular material. The pedagogical imperatives of Lollard dissent were also embodied in the work of certain public figures, intellectuals whose dissident careers transformed the social category of the medieval intellectual.] —. Levy here discusses Wyclif’s “view of the mechanics of papal election, correction, and deposition,” rather than topics such as civil dominion and kingship (141). In the process of the paper, Levy discusses the backgrounds behind these issues to place Wyclif’s views in context. “Holy Scripture and the Quest for Authority among Three Late Medieval Masters.” 61.1 (Jan. Netter and Gerson set out to curb this sort of magisterial excess which they believed would inevitably lead to the destruction of all proper norms of authority within the Church. [Levy’s book describes ways in which Scripture was argued to be the foundation for ecclesiastical authority between about 1370 to 1430. Instead of dismissing the old justification of images as a false sophism, as the continental reformers had done in the 1520s, they appropriated the laymen’s-book metaphor for their own polemic, turning it against the iconophiles. The catalogue is one apparent instance of the vernacularization of Latinate textual practice by Lollard writers.] —. The concluding discussion addresses the use of the tables from the point of view of readers of the Wycliffite Bible. For a contemporary review, see “Wiclif and his Works,” included below. “The Sources of the Parson’s Tale.” Radcliffe College Monographs 12. [This key article modified Skeat’s theory that the Tale was derived from Friar Loren’s to show that it was mostly derived from penitential treatises by Raymund of Pennaforte and Peraldus. [The Parson’s Tale is an odd combination of a subjective context framing incontrovertibly authoritative content. “Wycliffite Bibles as Orthodoxy.” Corbellini 71-91. ”, which argues against this theory.] Rankin, William Joseph. [From the abstract: “Although scholars have recently addressed the role of Wycliffism in the development of cultural and vernacular practice and in the sociopolitical climate of the later Middle Ages, few have attempted to view Wycliffite activity from the vantage of a cohesive ideological context. “Wyclif’s Attacks on the Monks.” Hudson and Wilks 267-80. The form of liturgy he admitted to celebrating was not a product of theological editing but the performance of the visible and audible parts of the mass, with those parts customarily unseen and unheard simply omitted for economy of effort.”] Rice, Nicole. [Rice examines a series of texts for religious guidance which were adapted for life outside of the cloister. Betteridge considers several lollard sermons and the 29.3 (June, 1951): 402-19. “‘Deep is the Heart of Man, and Inscrutable’: Signs of Heresy in Medieval Languedoc.” Barr and Hutchinson 267-80. His theological, legal and political vision of restoring original justice through the spiritual reality and sanctity of persona humana in every man, as well as in the community, by the law of love and the use and enjoyment of dominion in community, is conveyed through abundant quotes from his works.”] Borinski, Ludwig. Following up this suggestion, this article argues that Pecock’s concern with literary and theological method is part of an attempt to recover (and “translate” into a vernacular setting) the vitality of academic discussions from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a period during which the role of argumentation in theology still required explicit consideration and some defence. “Religion and the English Nobility in the Later Fourteenth Century.” . Clerics were not opposed to liturgical representations in churches, but they strove ardently to suppress May games, ludi, festivals, and liturgical parodies. “‘The workman is worth his mede’: Poverty, Labor, and Charity in the Sermon of William Taylor.” . “Authority and the Compiler in Westminster Cathedral Treasury MS 4: Writing a Text in Someone Else’s Words.” . Yet, unlike Ockham, but similar to Marsilius, he did not concede to the papacy the plenitude of power. One significant difference, however, is the way in which reformers in the two periods used the commonplace saying that images are “laymen’s books.” The Lollards, even those who were the most outspoken critics of images, used Gregory the Great’s metaphor to support their positions. “‘First is writen a clause of the bigynnynge therof’: The Table of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” 24-25 (2005-06): 343-78. In addition to outlining this broader phenomenon, he analyzes polemical comments in the Bible thought to be owned by Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester (London, British Library, MS Egerton 618) that challenge the sainthood of many canonized by the church.] —. At the same time, she argues that “the laity, despite Duffy’s ‘traditional’ epithet, was far from passive in its religious choices” (3). The study covers a wide range of topics, including religious practices (e.g., marriage) as well as pressing religious issues of the time (the saints, the Old Testament). “‘I Promise a Penny that I do not Promise’: The Realist/Nominalist Debate Over Intentional Propositions in Fourteenth Century British Logic and Its Contemporary Relevance.” 11.4 (Dec. [“The influence of the Lollard movement on the Scottish Reformation was pointed out by John Knox in the sixteenth century; and in the latter part of the nineteenth century the same point was stressed by the Historiographer Royal for Scotland, P. Yet in spite of such illustrious advocacy, with one or two minor exceptions, little attention has been paid to the Wycliffite tradition in fifteenth century Scotland. [Biller examines the heresies of Languedoc, via several question lists use to interrogate suspected Waldensians, in order to uncover the motivations of the questioners; the nature of the 26 (1995): 135-52. Such concerns culminated in Aquinas’s “rhetorical” sensibility, his engagements with “rational persuasion,” his concern with effective methods of disputation with heretics and infidels and his appreciation of the value of “rationes” in theological discourse.] —. Medieval drama, then, stemmed from a more vernacular tradition than previously acknowledged-one developed by England’s laity outside the boundaries of clerical rule. [This book is about the place of pedagogy and the role of intellectuals in medieval dissent. In order to gain a more complete understanding of Wyclif’s views one must study his place within the exegetical tradition of such important biblical passages as Matthew 16.18-19 and Galatians 2.11-14.” —. is that Wyclif consistently championed the role of the theologian, as opposed to the canon lawyer, in determining questions of papal aptitude. According to the abstract, “What separated them was not the recognition of authority as such, but rather the correct application of that authority. In the 1530s the English reformers used the commonplace in similar ways, but by the 1540s they had rejected it altogether. [Most research on Lollard writings has been targeted at the Wycliffite Bible, the sermons, to the detriment of shorter treatises. [According to Peiloka, “This articles discusses the Middle English tables of lections (tabulae lectionun, capitularis lists of periocopes) – liturgical referential tools found in almost one hundred later-fourteenth / early-fifteenth-century manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible. “Tables of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” Poleg and Light 351-378. “Manuscript Paratexts in the Making” British Library MS Harley 6333 as a Liturgical Compilation.” Corbellini, Hoogvliet, and Ramakers 44-67. “Antiquity, Eternity, and the Foundations of Authority: Reflections on a Debate between John Wyclif and John Kenningham, O. London: Society for the Promoting of Christian Knowledge, 1884. Her study emphasizes the development of Christocentric piety during the period, and how this “intersected with the devotional needs of a parish religion in which mystical ecstasy, and ideas of the individual as the bride of Christ, were less important than the pastorally inspired concerns of moral teaching [ . She uses Churchwardens’ accounts, chapel wall paintings, and contemporary texts as sources. Falstaff, Martin Marprelate, and the Staging of Puritanism.” . [This volume was published to coincide with the anniversary of the 1604 Hampton Court conference, which decided to create the King James translation. It has generally been taken for granted that the Lollards were unimportant and possessed little or no influence. [This is a general introduction to Wyclif and Lollardy. Rex controversially argues that Wyclif and the Lollards were far less important than historians and literary critics have often claimed.”] —. From the abstract: “This article re-examines the record and argues that it has been misread.
This has a number of implications for how one might reconsider the English trial evidence, some of which are briefly explored in the essay.”] Asaka, Yoshiko. She argues, for instance, that the theology of Corpus Christi in the resurrection plays can only be understood as a theatrical exploration of eucharistic absence and presence. In the following, I shall discuss Wyclif’s arguments by comparing them with some other medieval positions, as well as with some elements of contemporary theories of speech acts. [This is a study of Walsingham, not just a historican but also a classical scholar. Moreover, he sought to publicize and publicly refute the errors of the heretics, eschewing show trials and burnings. Wood Lecture Delivered before the University of London on 13 March, 1951.” Pamphlet. in 1413 in order to articulate his criticism of the Christian community of his day and the proclaim his evangelical vision of the Church. in 1550 because he was a follower of heretic John Wyclif, whose teachings were similar to beliefs expounded in the poem. The church of the late fourteenth century would come to resemble the ecclesia primitiva, a poor communion of fellow workers marked by charity and humility. One of them is to say, with a reductive literalism, that “Tobit had a dog” is not conducive to salvation (48).] —. The subversiveness of translation arises not only out of its status as a heretical text or its use to mount challenges to clerical and secular political authority. He emphasizes continuities in the two works’ pastoral aims, countering Nicholas Watson’s assertion that the two works address lay readers in contrasting ways.] —. [This book considers the relationship between the church, society and religion across five centuries of change. [The essay discusses Wyclif’s use of Wisdom , a passage of scripture that, according to Campi, Wyclif regarded as “the most difficult verse in the whole of scripture…due to the theoretical content it conveys, which relates to the issue of the creative, legislative and redemptive order imposed by God.”] —. Sharpe substantially shares the metaphysical view and principles of the other Oxford Realists, but he elaborates a completely different semantics, since he accepts the nominalist principle of the autonomy of thought in relation to the world, and Ockham’s explanation for the universality of concepts. This article seeks to shed some light on this issue through an analysis of the text “Of Mynystris in the Chirche,” a commentary on Matthew 24 and one of the longest Lollard discussions of the Bible’s eschatological prophecies. Raschko examines how the Lollard writers direct this conventional social model to reformist ends.] —. “The Letter of Richard Wyche: An Interrogation Narrative.” PMLA 127.3 (2012): 626-642. Brown examines how the teachings of an increasingly universal Church were applied at a local level and how social change shaped the religious practices of the laity. of the New Testament, in the Scottish dialets, in the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackne, on examination proves to be a Scottish rescension of Wyclif’s version.”] Bruce, Frederick F. “‘In ipso sunt idem esse, vivere, et intelligere’: Notes on a Case of Textual Bricolage.” pertaining to divine being, life, and thought. Unfortunately, this semantic approach partially undermines his defence of realism, since it deprives Sharpe of any compelling semantic and epistemological reasons to posit universalia in re. “Annihilatio e divina onnipotenza nel Tractatus de universalibus di John Wyclif.” Brocchieri and Simonetta 71-85. “Categories and Universals in the Later Middle Ages.” In Lloyd A. as an anti-Lollard critique by showing how artisans and Lollards were seen as reflections of each other.] Copeland, Rita. Specifically, this article points to a correspondence between a tension at the heart of Lollard attitudes to the theory and practice of scriptural exegesis and a tension at the heart of Lollard perspectives on end times events. “Oon of Foure: Harmonizing Wycliffite and Pseudo-Bonaventuran Approaches to the Life of Christ.” Johnson and Westphall 341-373. Full copies of some out-of-copyright texts are now available for download on this list. Sizes of downloads are given in megabytes (mb) at the end of the entry. Whatever its fate as a religious movement, it had successfully changed the intellectual landscape of England.”] —. [Rather than seeking after a doctrinally discrete group, Ghosh asks “whether it would be possible to identify a set of religio-intellectual interests pointing, not exactly towards a definitively outlined ‘heretical’ profile perhaps, but nevertheless to a more or less coherent , characterized pre-eminently by an intelligent and informed criticism of authority. As opposed to earlier theories of the relation of the liberal arts to philosophy, which argued that the arts were “remedial,” the means by which “the ‘reasonable’ human soul is led to recognize itself and its origins, from which it has been separated” by the fall (255, 253). In describing that influence, he asserts that intellectuals after Arundel’s time shared an interest in reform with the earlier followers of Wyclif at Oxford, although the two groups disagreed on the means for that reform. “The Geography of Dissent: Lollardy, Popular Religion, and Church Reform in Late Medieval York.” Ph. The north did, in fact, develop a different religious culture from the south. “Grace and Freedom in the Soteriology of John Wyclif.” 60 (2005): 279-337. For Wyclif, the universal is numerically identical with its singulars, but numerical identity is governed by something weaker than the indiscernibility of identicals.”] Spencer, Helen Leith. [On the heresy of Dominican Richard Helmsley, condemned in Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1385. Furnivall’s Last Fling: The Wyclif Society and Anglo-German Scholarly Relations, 1882-1992.” 65.272 (2014): 790-811. [From the abstract: “In Forschungen zum ‘Ackermann aus Böhmen’ (1930), Alois Bernt writes that every literary work is influenced by the time in which it was written. In addition, he uses John Wiclef’s key term—the right to property—as an interpretation of the right to possess one’s own life.”] Stevenson, Joseph. Within the chapter on the heretics, she argues that “both texts construct textual identities whose exemplary behavior in the face of imprisonment and persecution is designed to encourage other Lollards in the firmness of their beliefs, and convince [them] of the corruption of the Church. Sutherland illuminates the complicated and very self-aware stand the work’s author takes on the problem of translation.] Swanson, R. Swanson observes that the volume “would provide a channel for Wycliffite ideas to spread in the area; but that the volume was meant to join the chapel possessions suggests that it was not seen . These have beefn bookmarked and reviewed for completeness. Spade’s, below) appears in an issue of Vivarium dedicated to medieval realism; other essays in the volume, aside from these two, specifically concern Scotus, Sharpe, and Holcot. In the , by contrast, Wyclif aligns “the idea theorica of the artes with a state of prelapsarian gracefulness and happiness, from which the methods and disciplines of contemporary academia are an inevitable decline” (257). First, the , in so far as they designate academic disciplines, are not longer thought of either as remedial of the fallen human condition, or as propaedeutic to an apprehension of divine truth. He explains that vernacular religious literature had continental influences and contends that, while it was often interested in liturgy and orthodox reform, it was still “imaginative and inventive.”] Gilpin, William. “London, British Library, Additional MS 37049 – A Spiritual Encyclopedia.” Barr and Hutchinson 99-116. The established religious culture of the north, of both the organized church and the lay spirituality, was grappling with the same issues that concerned Lollards, but came up with solutions which were perfectly in keeping with the orthodox church without falling into heresy. 244 (discussed by Hanna in “Two Lollard Codices”), Bodley 647 shows “access to a common Lollard copying centre or ‘library.” Hanna describes the history of the volume’s early use and interpretation, and concludes with an argument for its thematic coherence “devoted to a discussion of proper priesthood.” An appendix provides a full collation.] Hanna, William. According to Levy, “The popular portrayal of John Wyclif (d. Spencer includes editions of the documents relevant to his case.] —. [Spencer gives a history of Furnivall’s efforts to publish Wyclif’s Latin works, spurred by the quincentenary of Wyclif’s death in 1384.